Middle East Peace talks

John Kerry, the US secretary of state, is trying to get peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians back on track as both sides blame each other for a lack of progress

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry (left) talks with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem

Israel Approves Construction of 1,700 New Settlement Homes

On November 15, 2010, U.S. President Barack Obama praised Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for urging his cabinet to accept a U.S. proposal to extend a freeze on West Bank settlement building for 90 days. Under the plan, Washington would block UN resolutions critical of Israel, and supply Israel with fighter jets worth $3 billion. The US government also promised Israel that after the 90-day moratorium, they would not seek an extension, and settlement construction in the West Bank and East Jerusalem (all of which is illegal under international law) could continue unabated.


About kruitvat

I am working for the Belgian human rights association 'Werkgroep Morkhoven' which revealed the Zandvoort childporn case (88.539 victims). The case was covered up by the authorities. During the past years I have been really shocked by the way the rich countries of the western empire want to rule the world. One of my blogs: «Latest News Syria» (WordPress)/ Je travaille pour le 'Werkgroep Morkhoven', un groupe d'action qui a révélé le réseau pornographique d'enfants 'Zandvoort' (88.539 victims). Cette affaire a été couverte par les autorités. Au cours des dernières années, j'ai été vraiment choqué par la façon dont l'Occident et les pays riches veulent gouverner le monde. Un de mes blogs: «Latest News Syria» (WordPress)/ Ik werk voor de Werkgroep Morkhoven die destijds de kinderpornozaak Zandvoort onthulde (88.539 slachtoffers). Deze zaak werd door de overheid op een misdadige manier toegedekt. Gedurende de voorbije jaren was ik werkelijke geschokt door de manier waarop het rijke westen de wereld wil overheersen. Bezoek onze blog «Latest News Syria» (WordPress) ------- Photo: victims of the NATO-bombings on the Chinese embassy in Yougoslavia
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4 Responses to Middle East Peace talks

  1. kruitvat says:

    Chomsky: Middle East peace talks a complete farce:

    Sept 5, 2013

    The Israel-Palestine negotiations currently underway in Jerusalem coincide with the 20th anniversary of the Oslo Accords. A look at the character of the accords and their fate may help explain the prevailing skepticism about the current exercise.

    In September 1993, President Clinton presided over a handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat on the White House lawn – the climax of a “day of awe,” as the press described it.

    Article I of the DOP states that the end result of the process is to be “a permanent settlement based on Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338,” which say nothing about Palestinian rights, apart from a vague reference to a “just settlement of the refugee problem.”

    If the “peace process” unfolded as the DOP clearly stated, Palestinians could kiss goodbye their hopes for some limited degree of national rights in the Land of Israel.

    Other DOP articles stipulate that Palestinian authority extends over “West Bank and Gaza Strip territory, except for issues that will be negotiated in the permanent status negotiations: Jerusalem, settlements, military locations and Israelis” – that is, except for every issue of significance.

    Furthermore, “Israel will continue to be responsible for external security, and for internal security and public order of settlements and Israelis. Israeli military forces and civilians may continue to use roads freely within the Gaza Strip and the Jericho area,” the two areas from which Israel was pledged to withdraw – eventually.

    In short, there would be no meaningful changes. The DOP also did not include a word about the settlement programs at the heart of the conflict: Even before the Oslo process, the settlements were undermining realistic prospects of achieving any meaningful Palestinian self-determination.

    Only by succumbing to what is sometimes called “intentional ignorance” could one believe that the Oslo process was a path to peace. Nevertheless, this became virtual dogma among Western commentators.

    As the Madrid negotiations opened, Danny Rubinstein, one of Israel’s best-informed analysts, predicted that Israel and the United States would agree to some form of Palestinian “autonomy,” but it would be “autonomy as in a POW camp, where the prisoners are ‘autonomous’ to cook their meals without interference and to organize cultural events.” Rubenstein turned out to be correct.

    The settlement programs continued after the Oslo Accords, at the same high level they had reached when Yitzhak Rabin became prime minister in 1992, extending well to the east of illegally annexed Greater Jerusalem.

    As Rabin explained, Israel should take over “most of the territory of the Land of Israel [the former Palestine], whose capital is Jerusalem.”

    Meanwhile the U.S. and Israel moved to separate Gaza from the West Bank by closing access to it, in explicit violation of the terms of the accords, thus ensuring that any potential Palestinian entity would be cut off from the outside world.

    The accords were followed by additional Israel-PLO agreements, which spelled out more clearly the terms of the autonomy of the POW camp. After Rabin’s assassination, Shimon Peres became prime minister. As Peres left office in 1995, he assured the press that there would be no Palestinian state.

    Norwegian scholar Hilde Henriksen Waage concluded that the “Oslo process could serve as the perfect case study for flaws” of the model of “of third party mediation by a small state in highly asymmetrical conflicts. The question to be asked is whether such a model can ever be appropriate.”

    That question is well worth pondering, particularly as educated Western opinion now follows the ludicrous assumption that meaningful Israel-Palestine negotiations can be seriously conducted under the auspices of the United States – not an “honest broker,” but in reality a partner of Israel.

    As the current negotiations opened, Israel at once made its attitude clear by expanding the “National Priority List” for special subsidies to settlements scattered in the West Bank and by carrying forward its plans to build a train line to integrate the settlements more closely into Israel.

    Obama followed suit by appointing as chief negotiator Martin Indyk, a close associate of Dennis Ross, whose background is as a lobbyist for Israel and who explains that Arabs are unable to comprehend the “idealism” and “generosity of spirit” that infuse all of Washington’s efforts.

    The negotiations provide a cover for Israel’s takeover of the territories it wishes to control and should spare the United States some further embarrassment at the United Nations. That is, Palestine may agree to defer initiatives that would enhance its U.N. status – which the U.S. would be compelled to block, joined by Israel and perhaps Palau.

    It is, however, unlikely that the negotiations will advance the prospects for a meaningful peace settlement.

    Noam Chomsky is Institute Professor (retired) at MIT. He is the author of many books and articles on international affairs and social-political issues, and a long-time participant in activist movements.

    The occasion was the announcement of the Declaration of Principles for political settlement of the Israel-Palestine conflict, which resulted from secret meetings in Oslo that were sponsored by the Norwegian government.

    Public negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians had opened in Madrid in November 1991, initiated by Washington in the triumphal glow after the first Iraq war. They were stalemated because the Palestinian delegation, led by the respected nationalist Haidar Abdul Shafi, insisted on ending Israel’s expansion of its illegal settlements in the Occupied Territories.

    In the immediate background were formal positions on the basic issues released by the PLO, Israel and the United States. In a November 1988 declaration, the PLO called for two states on the internationally recognized border, a proposal that the United States had vetoed at the Security Council in 1976 and continued to block, defying an overwhelming international consensus.

    In May 1989 Israel responded, declaring that there can be no “additional Palestinian state” between Jordan and Israel (Jordan being a Palestinian state by Israeli dictate), and that further negotiations will be “in accordance with the basic guidelines of the [Israeli] Government.” The Bush I administration endorsed this plan without qualifications, then initiated the Madrid negotiations as the “honest broker.”

    Then in 1993, the DOP was quite explicit about satisfying Israel’s demands but silent on Palestinian national rights. It conformed to the conception articulated by Dennis Ross, Clinton’s main Middle East Advisor and negotiator at Camp David in 2000, later President Obama’s main advisor as well. As Ross explained, Israel has needs but Palestinians only have wants, obviously of lesser significance.

  2. kruitvat says:

    The Washington Institute – ‘Middle East Peace Experts’


    Robert Satloff
    Executive Director, Howard P. Berkowitz Chair in U.S. Middle East Policy

    Michael Singh
    Managing Director

    Patrick Clawson
    Director of Research

    Dennis Ross

    Chandler Atwood
    Visiting Military Fellow

    Lori Plotkin Boghardt
    Fellow in Gulf Politics

    Joshua Burgess
    Visiting Military Fellow

    Soner Cagaptay
    Beyer Family Fellow, Director, Turkish Research Program

    Michael Eisenstadt
    Senior Fellow, Director, Military & Security Studies Program

    Adel El-Adawy
    Next Generation Fellow

    Lauren Emerson
    Managing Editor, Fikra Forum

    Daniel Green
    Ira Weiner Fellow

    Simon Henderson
    Baker Fellow, Director, Gulf and Energy Policy Program

    Michael Herzog
    Milton Fine International Fellow

    James Jeffrey
    Philip Solondz Distinguished Visiting Fellow

    Mehdi Khalaji
    Senior Fellow

    Michael Knights
    Lafer Fellow

    Martin Kramer
    Wexler-Fromer Fellow

    Matthew Levitt
    Director, Stein Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence, Senior Fellow

    David Makovsky
    Ziegler Distinguished Fellow, Director, Project on the Middle East Peace Process

    Hedieh Mirahmadi
    Visiting Fellow

    David Pollock
    Kaufman Fellow

    Vish Sakthivel
    Next Generation Fellow

    David Schenker
    Aufzien Fellow, Director, Program on Arab Politics

    Andrew J. Tabler
    Senior Fellow

    Eric Trager
    Esther K. Wagner Fellow

    Joseph Wawro
    Visiting Military Fellow

    Jeffrey White
    Defense Fellow

    Ehud Yaari
    Lafer International Fellow

    Aaron Zelin
    Richard Borow Fellow


  3. kruitvat says:


    Martin J. Gross

    Howard P. Berkowitz

    In Memoriam
    Michael Stein
    Fred S. Lafer

    Founding President and Chairman Emerita
    Barbi Weinberg

    Vice President Emeritus
    Charles Adler

    Senior Vice Presidents
    Bernard Leventhal
    Peter Lowy
    James Schreiber

    Vice Presidents
    Benjamin Breslauer
    Walter P. Stern

    Richard S. Abramson

    Dimitri Sogoloff

    Board Members
    Jay Bernstein
    Anthony Beyer
    Richard Borow
    Michael Gelman
    Roger Hertog, emeritus
    Shelly Kassen
    Barbara Kay
    Michael Keston
    Moses Libitzky
    Daniel Mintz
    John Shapiro
    Zachary Schreiber
    Fred Schwartz
    Merryl Tisch
    Susan Wagner
    Gary Wexler

    Next Generation Leadership Council
    Jill Abramson
    Anthony Beyer
    David Eigen, chair
    Daniel Eisenstadt
    Benjamin Gordon
    Adam Herz
    James Keston
    Zachary Schreiber
    Whitney Skibell


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